The Times Australia
Google AI
The Times World News

.

Promises to get tough on youth crime might win votes – but the evidence shows it hasn’t worked for NZ

  • Written by Linda Mussell, Lecturer, Political Science and International Relations, University of Canterbury

The promise to “get tough on youth crime” is a New Zealand election perennial. This year, parties on both the left and right have pledged to crack down on young offenders – despite a lot of evidence that such approaches do not work in the long term.

Already, the Ram Raid Offending and Related Measures Amendment Bill[1] is working through the legislative process. If passed, it would create a new offence within the Crimes Act, allowing the prosecution of children as young as 12, and prison sentences of up to ten years.

Labour, National and ACT all supported its first reading[2] in parliament. Labour in government also announced new high-needs youth justice units[3], drawing criticism from opposition parties and justice reform advocates.

National is proposing a new “young serious offender” justice category, as well as the creation of “youth offender military academies[4]”. ACT wants 200 new youth justice beds[5] and responsibility for youth justice to move from children’s ministry Oranga Tamariki to the Department of Corrections.

According to current polling, parties on the right may be in a position to form the next government. If so, it seems New Zealand’s youth justice system may take a more punitive turn.

National leader Christopher Luxon: military academies for young offenders. Getty Images

Treating symptoms not causes

The country’s youth justice system established a “new paradigm[6]” in the early 1990s, after the Oranga Tamariki Act 1989[7] became law. This offered a homegrown approach to families and their young people unique to New Zealand. The model of family empowerment, restorative justice, diversion from court prosecution and reintegration in society became known internationally.

While there was a turn towards more punitive[8] adult criminal justice in Europe and the United States, New Zealand’s system stayed relatively stable until 2008, when a National-led coalition government took power.

Youth justice was a central facet of National’s election campaign to end three terms of Labour-led government. Announcing his party’s “youth plan”, National leader John Key said[9] part of it was about “rolling up our sleeves to prevent New Zealand’s youth crime problem from becoming tomorrow’s crisis”.

Read more: Locking up kids damages their mental health and sets them up for more disadvantage. Is this what we want?[10]

This included the now familiar election promise to introduce youth “boot camps”, and to reduce the age of criminal prosecution to 12.

But as critics have long argued, a focus on “crime control[11]” and “risk management”[12] has seen punishment prioritised over addressing the root causes of crime and the best interests of young people.

This can be seen in the disproportionate impact of the criminal justice system on Māori and Pacific youth. According to 2021 data, Māori make up 67%[13] of those in youth detention. Pacific youth account for 7%, and those who identify as both Māori and Pacific account for 13%. Young people who identify as neither Māori nor Pacific comprise only 13% of that population.

Failing to address the complex developmental and social drivers of youth crime means those statistics are unlikely to change.

What is working?

There is also considerable evidence[14] of the influence young people’s gradual cognitive and social development can have on criminal behaviour.

These age-related factors include reduced impulse control, difficulty with future planning, greater risk taking and susceptibility to peer influence. At the same time, age also offers an increased potential for positive change.

Importantly, offending by children and young people is also often related to challenges at home[15] and in communities, including poverty, housing instability, and poor physical or mental health.

Read more: Why rehabilitation – not harsher prison sentences – makes economic sense[16]

Young people with fetal alcohol syndrome spectrum disorder[17], histories of trauma[18], brain injuries[19], and neurodiversity[20] are all criminalised at proportionately higher rates than the general population.

The current evidence[21] supports a less punitive approach to youth offending, through diversion or the use of specialist courts, based on promoting welfare and addressing the underlying causes of offending.

There is evidence in New Zealand[22] that restorative justice reduces reoffending. Family group conferences have been shown to reduce[23] the “frequency and seriousness” of offending for 70% of participants, with Rangatahi Courts[24] also helping reduce reoffending[25] and promote other positive outcomes.

And the police are rolling out Te Pae Oranga Iwi community panels[26], which aim to intervene and help with family and personal problems, and have demonstrated a significant reduction[27] in youth reoffending.

Read more: The state removal of Māori children from their families is a wound that won't heal – but there is a way forward[28]

Trust the evidence

While these developments are encouraging, the investigation[29] into “baby uplifts” by Oranga Tamariki, testimonies to the Abuse in Care Royal Commission[30], and reports of abuse[31] in Oranga Tamariki residences, all raise serious questions about placing more young people in institutions.

Furthermore, New Zealand’s rate of youth offending has been decreasing for some time[32]. But there is a disproportionately high number[33] of youth justice beds here relative to other comparable countries, especially considering the system struggles with mental health support.

The United Nations has already identified the human rights concerns[34] with New Zealand’s low age of criminal responsibility, punitive practices like “spit hoods[35]”, and the disproportionate numbers of rangatahi Māori in the criminal justice system.

Read more: 10 is too young to be in court – NZ should raise the minimum age of criminal responsibility[36]

An evidence-led approach to youth justice would involve Māori and see the expansion of specialist courts throughout the country. Rather than lowering the age of criminal responsibility, the eligible age for appearing in the youth courts would be raised.

Overall, the goal would be to minimise the imprisonment of young people, including remand in police cells and youth or adult detention facilities. And there would be much greater investment in iwi partnerships to provide wrap-around community services[37] that are whanau-focused and culturally appropriate[38].

As the former chief science adviser to the prime minister reported in 2018[39], more resources directed at mental health, trauma, substance abuse and inadequate housing should be the basis of preventing more youth offending. A more punitive response may win votes but it will not solve the problem.

References

  1. ^ Ram Raid Offending and Related Measures Amendment Bill (www.parliament.nz)
  2. ^ supported its first reading (www.rnz.co.nz)
  3. ^ new high-needs youth justice units (www.nzherald.co.nz)
  4. ^ youth offender military academies (www.newshub.co.nz)
  5. ^ new youth justice beds (www.nzherald.co.nz)
  6. ^ new paradigm (journals.sagepub.com)
  7. ^ Oranga Tamariki Act 1989 (www.legislation.govt.nz)
  8. ^ more punitive (journals.sagepub.com)
  9. ^ John Key said (www.nzherald.co.nz)
  10. ^ Locking up kids damages their mental health and sets them up for more disadvantage. Is this what we want? (theconversation.com)
  11. ^ crime control (journals.sagepub.com)
  12. ^ “risk management” (journals.sagepub.com)
  13. ^ make up 67% (www.orangatamariki.govt.nz)
  14. ^ considerable evidence (www.borrinfoundation.nz)
  15. ^ challenges at home (journals.sagepub.com)
  16. ^ Why rehabilitation – not harsher prison sentences – makes economic sense (theconversation.com)
  17. ^ fetal alcohol syndrome spectrum disorder (www.tandfonline.com)
  18. ^ histories of trauma (books.google.co.nz)
  19. ^ brain injuries (researchspace.auckland.ac.nz)
  20. ^ neurodiversity (www.tandfonline.com)
  21. ^ current evidence (onlinelibrary.wiley.com)
  22. ^ evidence in New Zealand (www.justice.govt.nz)
  23. ^ shown to reduce (apo.org.au)
  24. ^ Rangatahi Courts (www.youthcourt.govt.nz)
  25. ^ reduce reoffending (thehub.swa.govt.nz)
  26. ^ Te Pae Oranga Iwi community panels (www.police.govt.nz)
  27. ^ significant reduction (www.tandfonline.com)
  28. ^ The state removal of Māori children from their families is a wound that won't heal – but there is a way forward (theconversation.com)
  29. ^ investigation (www.ombudsman.parliament.nz)
  30. ^ Abuse in Care Royal Commission (www.abuseincare.org.nz)
  31. ^ reports of abuse (www.rnz.co.nz)
  32. ^ decreasing for some time (www.beehive.govt.nz)
  33. ^ high number (onlinelibrary.wiley.com)
  34. ^ human rights concerns (www.ombudsman.parliament.nz)
  35. ^ spit hoods (www.rnz.co.nz)
  36. ^ 10 is too young to be in court – NZ should raise the minimum age of criminal responsibility (theconversation.com)
  37. ^ wrap-around community services (whanauora.nz)
  38. ^ culturally appropriate (www.orangatamariki.govt.nz)
  39. ^ reported in 2018 (www.dpmc.govt.nz)

Read more https://theconversation.com/promises-to-get-tough-on-youth-crime-might-win-votes-but-the-evidence-shows-it-hasnt-worked-for-nz-214147

Times Magazine

With Nvidia’s second-best AI chips headed for China, the US shifts priorities from security to trade

This week, US President Donald Trump approved previously banned exports[1] of Nvidia’s powerful ...

Navman MiVue™ True 4K PRO Surround honest review

If you drive a car, you should have a dashcam. Need convincing? All I ask that you do is search fo...

Australia’s supercomputers are falling behind – and it’s hurting our ability to adapt to climate change

As Earth continues to warm, Australia faces some important decisions. For example, where shou...

Australia’s electric vehicle surge — EVs and hybrids hit record levels

Australians are increasingly embracing electric and hybrid cars, with 2025 shaping up as the str...

Tim Ayres on the AI rollout’s looming ‘bumps and glitches’

The federal government released its National AI Strategy[1] this week, confirming it has dropped...

Seven in Ten Australian Workers Say Employers Are Failing to Prepare Them for AI Future

As artificial intelligence (AI) accelerates across industries, a growing number of Australian work...

The Times Features

I’m heading overseas. Do I really need travel vaccines?

Australia is in its busiest month[1] for short-term overseas travel. And there are so many thi...

Mint Payments partners with Zip Co to add flexible payment options for travel merchants

Mint Payments, Australia's leading travel payments specialist, today announced a partnership with ...

When Holiday Small Talk Hurts Inclusion at Work

Dr. Tatiana Andreeva, Associate Professor in Management and Organisational Behaviour, Maynooth U...

Human Rights Day: The Right to Shelter Isn’t Optional

It is World Human Rights Day this week. Across Australia, politicians read declarations and clai...

In awkward timing, government ends energy rebate as it defends Wells’ spendathon

There are two glaring lessons for politicians from the Anika Wells’ entitlements affair. First...

Australia’s Coffee Culture Faces an Afternoon Rethink as New Research Reveals a Surprising Blind Spot

Australia’s celebrated coffee culture may be world‑class in the morning, but new research* sugge...

Reflections invests almost $1 million in Tumut River park to boost regional tourism

Reflections Holidays, the largest adventure holiday park group in New South Wales, has launched ...

Groundbreaking Trial: Fish Oil Slashes Heart Complications in Dialysis Patients

A significant development for patients undergoing dialysis for kidney failure—a group with an except...

Worried after sunscreen recalls? Here’s how to choose a safe one

Most of us know sunscreen is a key way[1] to protect areas of our skin not easily covered by c...