Australia’s Iran fuel shock may outlast the war
- Written by: The Times

Australians could be forgiven for assuming that the economic consequences of the Iran war will begin disappearing once the fighting stops and the Strait of Hormuz returns to normal.
That assumption is becoming increasingly difficult to make.
A new US energy assessment indicates that part of the disruption to Middle Eastern oil production could persist through the end of 2027.
That changes the nature of the Australian story.
The immediate problem has been war, restricted shipping and higher oil prices.
The longer-term problem may be damaged production capacity, disrupted supply chains, altered shipping patterns and an international petroleum market that takes considerably longer to recover than the conflict itself.
For Australia, that matters.
The country remains heavily dependent upon imported petroleum products. Australian Government energy data shows that 79 per cent of refined petroleum consumption was met by imports in the latest reported annual data.
The Iran war may eventually end.
Australia's fuel bill may take considerably longer to recover.
The latest forecast changes the timeframe
The US Energy Information Administration now projects a sustained disruption of approximately 600,000 barrels per day of Middle Eastern crude supply through 2027, according to Reuters.
The scale of the original disruption was much larger.
Approximately 5.5 million barrels per day of production was estimated to have been offline during July — more than 5 per cent of global oil consumption.
The EIA has also lifted its forecast for the average Brent crude price in 2026 to about US$86.81 a barrel.
These are forecasts, not certainties.
Oil markets can change rapidly.
Production can recover faster than expected.
Demand can weaken.
Other producers can increase supply.
Diplomatic breakthroughs can change market sentiment almost immediately.
But the EIA assessment highlights something that deserves Australian attention.
Restoring peace and restoring oil production are not necessarily the same event.
Wars can stop faster than infrastructure recovers
Oil production is an industrial process.
Wells.
Pipelines.
Storage facilities.
Export terminals.
Refineries.
Power supplies.
Ports.
Shipping.
Insurance.
Workers.
All form part of the system.
Damage or prolonged shutdowns can take time to reverse.
Even where physical infrastructure survives, companies need confidence that production can continue and tankers can move safely.
Ships have to return.
Insurers have to accept the risks.
Contracts have to be restored.
Inventories have to rebuild.
Refineries have to receive predictable supplies.
The geopolitical event can therefore finish before the economic system returns to normal.
Hormuz remains the immediate problem
None of this means the Strait of Hormuz has ceased to matter.
Quite the opposite.
Iran has continued to say the strait will remain closed unless its demands are satisfied, while vessel traffic has fallen dramatically.
Reuters reported this week that shipping through Hormuz had fallen to six vessels in a day compared with a recent 10-day average of around 11.
Crude movements had fallen to approximately 3 million barrels per day from about 4.4 million barrels per day the previous week.
Meanwhile, the risk to shipping itself has increased.
Attacks have been reported around both the Hormuz and Bab el-Mandeb maritime corridors, increasing concern about the safety and cost of moving energy through the region.
The immediate crisis therefore remains very real.
Oil is back around US$90
International oil markets are reflecting that uncertainty.
Brent crude was trading around US$89.60–89.63 a barrel on Wednesday, after substantial gains earlier in the week.
Markets are responding to doubts about a US-Iran agreement, continued supply disruption and attacks involving commercial shipping.
One day's oil price should never be treated as a forecast.
Prices could fall sharply if a settlement emerges.
But the level demonstrates that the geopolitical risk premium has not disappeared.
Why should Australia care about 600,000 barrels a day?
In a global oil market consuming tens of millions of barrels each day, 600,000 barrels can sound relatively insignificant.
But oil prices are determined at the margin.
Markets respond to the balance between available supply and demand.
Persistent loss of production reduces spare capacity in the system.
It also makes the market more vulnerable to the next disruption.
A hurricane.
Another war.
An unexpected refinery shutdown.
Sanctions.
Political instability in another producer.
Unexpectedly strong demand.
An oil market with abundant spare supply can absorb shocks.
A tighter market has less room to do so.
That is why persistent disruption matters even if the majority of Middle Eastern production eventually returns.
Australia imports most of the refined fuel it consumes
This is the crucial Australian connection.
Australia is an enormous energy producer, but that description can obscure the country's petroleum dependence.
Australian Government energy statistics show that most Australian energy imports consist of refined petroleum products and crude oil.
More strikingly, 79 per cent of Australian refined-product consumption was met by imports in the latest annual figures.
Domestic refineries also imported just under two-thirds of their feedstock.
Australia therefore participates deeply in the international petroleum market.
A disruption does not need to stop a tanker sailing directly from Iran to Australia to affect Australian motorists.
International prices transmit the shock.
Our Asian suppliers are part of the same global system
Australia receives substantial quantities of refined fuel from Asian refining centres.
Those refineries themselves purchase crude oil internationally.
The supply chain therefore looks something like this:
Middle Eastern and other crude producers supply Asian refiners.
Those refiners manufacture petrol, diesel and aviation fuel.
Australia purchases refined products from the international market.
Australian wholesalers distribute them domestically.
Retailers sell them to motorists and businesses.
A disruption at the beginning of that chain can eventually reach the Australian petrol station.
That is why Australia cannot consider itself removed from the Iran conflict simply because its direct trade with Iran is limited.
Petrol is only the visible part
Motorists naturally judge an oil crisis by the service-station sign.
Businesses experience something broader.
Diesel powers road freight.
Diesel powers agricultural machinery.
Diesel powers construction equipment.
Diesel is extensively used in mining.
Jet fuel powers aviation.
Petroleum products are used throughout industrial supply chains.
Higher fuel costs therefore become higher operating costs.
Eventually some of those costs are passed through.
That is where an oil crisis becomes an inflation story.
The delayed inflation problem
This is perhaps the greatest economic danger for Australia.
Petrol prices can change quickly.
The rest of the economy changes more slowly.
A trucking company may adjust its fuel surcharge next month.
A manufacturer may increase prices when its next shipment arrives.
A builder may incorporate higher transport costs into a future quote.
A farmer may experience the additional cost during the next production cycle.
An airline may adjust fares later.
Workers may seek compensation for higher living costs during their next wage negotiations.
This means the oil price can begin falling while the inflationary consequences of the earlier increase are still travelling through the economy.
The fuel-excise cushion has already gone
Australia temporarily reduced fuel excise substantially as the original Middle East energy shock reached motorists.
That intervention softened the impact.
The relief was subsequently tapered and has now ended.
The government therefore faces a different situation if international prices remain elevated for a prolonged period.
Reintroducing assistance would provide relief to motorists and businesses.
But it would again reduce Commonwealth revenue.
Leaving excise unchanged would preserve revenue but expose consumers more directly to international prices.
Neither choice eliminates the cost.
Government can redistribute an international oil shock.
It cannot repeal one.
A 2027 problem would be very different from an emergency
Temporary intervention makes sense when policymakers believe they are bridging households across a short disruption.
A persistent problem extending into 2027 presents a completely different policy challenge.
Governments cannot indefinitely treat structural international energy costs as emergency expenditure.
Businesses cannot indefinitely absorb fuel increases.
Consumers cannot indefinitely substitute savings for higher living costs.
At some point, the economy adjusts.
Prices change.
Investment decisions change.
Travel behaviour changes.
Businesses change supply chains.
Governments reconsider energy security.
That is why the EIA forecast deserves attention.
It potentially shifts part of the Iran energy shock from an emergency into a medium-term economic issue.
Aviation could feel it for longer
Australia's geography makes aviation particularly important.
Jet fuel is a major airline expense.
International visitors overwhelmingly reach Australia by air.
Regional communities rely on aviation.
Business travel depends upon it.
If petroleum prices remain structurally higher than before the conflict, airlines eventually have to deal with the cost.
They can hedge fuel.
They can improve efficiency.
They can absorb some costs.
But they cannot indefinitely purchase expensive jet fuel and pretend it is cheap.
Eventually margins or fares respond.
That becomes a tourism and regional-development issue as well as an aviation issue.
Rural and regional Australia remain particularly exposed
Persistent fuel costs also have a geographical dimension.
A household travelling hundreds of kilometres each week has greater exposure than one travelling very little.
A regional business serving customers across a large territory has greater exposure.
Farmers cannot harvest without fuel.
Trucks cannot deliver food without fuel.
Mining equipment cannot simply stop operating because diesel is expensive.
Australia's enormous geography makes liquid-fuel security particularly important.
Distance multiplies an energy shock.
Then there is interest rates
The Reserve Bank cannot influence Middle Eastern oil production.
It cannot repair a damaged export terminal.
It cannot reopen Hormuz.
But it must consider Australian inflation.
That creates a difficult distinction.
The RBA does not necessarily respond to every temporary petrol-price increase.
But if an energy shock persists long enough to affect freight, goods, services, wages and inflation expectations, it becomes much more relevant to monetary policy.
That is another reason duration matters.
A three-week fuel shock and an 18-month fuel shock are economically different events.
The possibility of higher-for-longer fuel changes business decisions
Businesses should also recognise the difference.
A short price spike can sometimes be absorbed.
A persistent cost increase needs to be incorporated into the business model.
Transport companies adjust rates.
Tradespeople reconsider travel charges.
Tour operators reconsider pricing.
Farmers change budgets.
Construction companies change quotations.
Retailers reconsider freight assumptions.
Businesses review suppliers.
The longer the disruption lasts, the less useful it becomes to describe the additional cost as temporary.
Australia has been warned about fuel security again
The Iran war has revived an old Australian vulnerability.
We export enormous quantities of energy while importing much of the liquid fuel that keeps the domestic economy moving.
That does not mean Australia needs to produce every litre of petrol and diesel domestically.
International trade is economically rational and generally reliable.
But efficiency and resilience are different concepts.
A supply chain optimised for ordinary conditions can become vulnerable during extraordinary ones.
The Australian Government's own petroleum statistics demonstrate the scale of our dependence on imported products.
The appropriate question is therefore not whether Australia should abandon international fuel trade.
It is whether the country has sufficient resilience when that trade is seriously disrupted.
Peace would still matter enormously
None of this should obscure the importance of a diplomatic settlement.
A credible agreement could reduce geopolitical risk.
Hormuz could reopen.
Shipping insurance costs could fall.
Tankers could return.
Production could recover.
Oil prices could decline.
Those developments would all help Australia.
The point is simply that recovery may not occur simultaneously.
There may be a sequence:
War ends.
Shipping improves.
Production recovers.
Inventories rebuild.
Refining normalises.
Fuel prices adjust.
Inflationary effects fade.
That process can take considerably longer than the first step.
Watch production, not merely the peace negotiations
Australians following the story should therefore begin watching another number.
Not simply whether Hormuz is open.
Not simply today's Brent price.
But how much Middle Eastern petroleum production actually returns to the market.
That will provide a better indication of whether the underlying supply problem is genuinely being resolved.
A reopened shipping lane is extremely important.
It is less useful if insufficient oil is available to travel through it.
The Times View
The Iran war has already cost Australia through higher fuel prices, government fuel relief, freight costs and renewed inflationary pressure.
Until now, there was reasonable hope that much of that burden would recede relatively quickly once the conflict and Strait of Hormuz disruption were resolved.
The latest energy forecasts make that assumption less comfortable.
If approximately 600,000 barrels of Middle Eastern production remain unavailable through the end of 2027, part of today's energy shock becomes tomorrow's economic environment.
For Australia, the lesson is larger than Iran.
We are a major energy-exporting nation that nevertheless relies on imports for the majority of the refined petroleum products we consume.
That arrangement works extraordinarily well when international markets work normally.
The Iran war is demonstrating what happens when they do not.
Peace may eventually end the war. It will not necessarily end Australia's fuel shock on the same day.
And that may prove to be one of the conflict's most enduring economic consequences for Australia.












